Tech
What Dr. Simi tells us about Mexico’s healthcare crisis
Published
7 days agoon
By
admin
He sports a bushy white mustache and a bit of a gut. He dances to reggaeton in cities and towns across Mexico. He has 2 million followers on TikTok and at concerts is routinely passed into the arms of pop stars. His face even adorns a mountainside.
He is Dr. Simi, the cartoon mascot of Farmacias Similares, Mexico’s largest drugstore chain, with more than 8,500 locations across the country. His ubiquity speaks to the company’s round-the-clock marketing strategy but also something darker: the failure of the Mexican government to deliver on its promise of healthcare for all.
Medicines are often in short supply in public clinics, where it can take weeks to get an appointment with a primary care doctor.
At Farmacias Similares’ corporate headquarters, an employee sits at her desk adorned with Dr. Simi dolls and stickers.
(Luis Antonio Rojas / For The Times)
Farmacias Similares helps fill the gap with cheap generics and $2 doctor visits. The chain says its clinics next to each location provided 136 million appointments last year.
Many pharmacies feature an employee in a Dr. Simi padded bodysuit waving to passersby and engaging in antics such as challenging the cow mascot of Mexico’s Alpura milk brand to a dance-off.

Various Dr. Simis pose for a photo at an event in 2022 to celebrate the company reaching its target of 8,000 pharmacies.
(Farmacias Similares)
At the company’s headquarters in Mexico City, a mural shows Dr. Simi with a raised arm declaring: “To serve God and the people!”
Dozens of employees there answer calls to the “Simitel” hotline that provides free access to doctors, nutritionists and psychologists — and for those who press “1” to Dr. Simi himself.
Operators who have perfected the mascot’s cheerful nasal voice answer several hundred calls a day by reading a joke from a binder or simply offering a friendly ear. Alberto González, who has played Dr. Simi for nearly 17 years, cherishes callers such as 27-year-old Luis, who dialed in more than a decade ago to talk about his parents’ divorce and still phones every few weeks.

Alberto González, who takes on the role of Dr. Simi on the company’s hotline, waits for calls from people who want to chat with the mascot.
(Luis Antonio Rojas / For The Times)
The operators never break character.
“Hello, hello! How are you?” goes the script. “You’re talking to Dr. Simi. Who is calling me?”
::
In 1997, Mexico began requiring drugs to be labeled by their active ingredient rather than a name brand. The idea was to increase confidence in medications and open up the market to generic drugs.
The new rules were a business opportunity for Victor González Torres, whose family company had long manufactured drugs for the government health system.
That year, he founded Farmacias Similares. The name is a reference to generics, which were advertised with the slogan “The same, but cheaper.”
Promising “up to 75% in savings,” the company launched a marketing campaign that presented the chain as coming to the rescue of poor Mexicans and pushed back against transnational pharmaceutical companies that disparaged generics.

A mural depicting Victor González Torres, the founder of Farmacias Similares, at the company’s headquarters.
(Luis Antonio Rojas / For The Times)
González wanted a mascot with the right combination of goofiness and wisdom. After rejecting several ideas from an advertising company, his team found an artist who designed the winner: a simple black-and-white drawing of a doctor joyfully holding up his arms. The inspiration came from a famous movie character from the 1940s, Don Susanito Peñafiel y Somellera.
Dr. Simi first appeared in newspaper advertisements. He then took shape as an animated cartoon and a puppet on television, happily explaining why the public should trust generics.

An employee holds a sign advertising a sale outside the first Farmacias Similares pharmacy in Mexico City.
(Luis Antonio Rojas / For The Times)
Before long, Dr. Simis were dancing on the sidewalks. The company created a comic called “The adventures of Dr. Simi” and a band of “Simichicas,” well-known actresses and models who traveled with the founder and promoted new products such as the “Simicondom.” “SimiInsurance” offered medical treatment for a premium.
One of the chain’s key moves was to open clinics — which are operated by a sister company — alongside its pharmacies.
The cheap clinics made healthcare more accessible to the tens of millions of street vendors, taxi drivers and others working in the country’s informal sector. It was a population excluded from public health insurance systems — in apparent breach of the Mexican Constitution, which was modified in 1983 to make healthcare a universal right.

A doctor prepares an injection for Carmen Maldonado, a regular patient at his clinic next to a Farmacias Similares pharmacy.
(Luis Antonio Rojas / For The Times)
Like some political parties, the chain also handed out free rice and offered social assistance in poor neighborhoods.
Its populist strategy worked. By 2003, Farmacias Similares had roughly 1,000 locations and was looking abroad.
The government healthcare system expanded substantially the next year under a new program known as Seguro Popular that offered health insurance to workers in the informal economy. But that didn’t appear to stall the growth of Farmacias Similares. Catering to hourly workers who couldn’t afford to take time off to travel to public health centers, the chain placed its pharmacies on busy streets, often near bus stops, and grew rapidly by offering franchises.
By operating on a massive scale and manufacturing many of its own drugs, the company cut costs further and passed on the savings to customers.
“Victor González Torres and Farmacias Similares executed a tremendously effective strategy,” said Michael Chu, a Harvard business professor who has studied the chain.
González’s profile was growing too. Long encouraging people to call him Dr. Simi, he did not hide his desire for prestige, declaring once that he wanted to be remembered as a revolutionary like Che Guevara.
He butted heads with officials in the public health system after alleging corruption in its drug-purchasing practices and campaigned for president as a write-in candidate in the 2006 election.
“Poor people can have power in a country where there are so many,” he said in an interview at the time. “They can choose a president.”
The company has also waded through a fair share of controversy. González’s brother was the founder of Mexico’s Ecological Green Party, which in 2010 faced accusations of conflict of interest after sponsoring legislation to provide people with vouchers for medications in private pharmacies. The media dubbed it the “Simi law.”
The law failed to pass, but Farmacias Similares continue to grow amid the government’s faltering attempts to improve the public health system.
More than a quarter of the population lacked access to care in 2020, according to the government’s most recent estimate.
That same year, President Andrés Manuel López Obrador replaced Seguro Popular with a new program he promised would reduce corruption. But it has been beset by medicine shortages that experts attribute to bureaucracy and the COVID-19 pandemic. The government is currently transitioning to yet another program.
As a result, clinics next to private drugstores have been booming and are now thought to serve roughly a fifth of the population. Farmacias Similares opens nearly two new locations a day on average.
Carmen Maldonado, who owns a shop that sells artisanal honey and cheeses, recently dropped by Farmacias Similares’ first store — located in Mexico City’s Portales neighborhood — to buy cold medication and antibiotic injections, which a doctor administered at the clinic next door. A sign outside advertised birth control, oxygen and blood sugar readings, stitches and ear cleanings.
Maldonado could opt to use the public system, but the clinic is near her home and she’s been seeing this doctor for 20 years.
“He’s like the family doctor,” she said.
::
In November 2021, a 19-year-old high school student named Avril Christelle Vega Martinez was on her way to a concert in Mexico City when she stepped into a Farmacias Similares to pick up some hand sanitizer.
She had also been looking for a Dr. Simi doll, so she was happy to find the store had one left in stock. The dolls come in different guises — including boxer, mariachi and fireman — but the one she bought was the classic version: Dr. Simi in his lab coat.

A variety of Dr. Simi dolls fill the bookshelf of an employee at Farmacias Similares’ headquarters.
(Luis Antonio Rojas / For The Times)
Vega had taken the doll out of her backpack at the concert — Norwegian electro-pop singer Aurora Aksnes — when an idea popped into her head.
“I suddenly thought of the idea of maybe giving it as a present to Aurora,” she recalled. “Dr. Simi is a symbol of Mexican culture. We grew up seeing Dr. Simis dancing everywhere.”
And so she passed the doll up through the crowd until someone flung it onto the stage. Aurora picked up Dr. Simi and hugged him to her chest.
Captured on video, the incident went viral on social media, and it wasn’t long before Dr. Simi dolls were routinely being thrown onstage at concerts of pop stars including Dua Lipa and Rosalía. Joining in on the fun, a former chief justice of Mexico’s Supreme Court “ruled” on TikTok that doing so isn’t a crime.
The publicity was good news for Farmacias Similares. Dolls were selling so fast that the company boosted monthly production to 40,000 from 12,000. When one was left at a memorial for Queen Elizabeth II in Edinburgh last year, Mexican media outlets thought it newsworthy enough to cover.
The company carefully guards Dr. Simi’s image. The more than 1,000 staffers who wear Dr. Simi bodysuits are forbidden to speak to the public while in costume in order to preserve the character’s identity. One benefit of the job: lessons in dancing salsa, cumbia and the Simi pasito.
A communications team works a night shift to produce seven television shows a week, bringing in specialists to discuss anxiety and stress, as well as staffers from different areas to explain their jobs. Employees keep a close eye on social media, tracking down for an interview members of the public who have helped Dr. Simi go viral.
The company also promotes its brand through what Victor González Herrera, the son of the founder, called “conscious capitalism” — funding natural disaster relief, tree planting and food assistance for the hungry.
In December, the company raffled 25 cars to customers to mark its 25th anniversary. Before the winners collected their new car keys, pharmacy employees launched into the corporate anthem:
We have the courage
Dr. Simi has the heart
What we offer
We do with love
With pharmacies in all of Mexico’s 32 states and more than 400 in Chile, the company aims to reach its target of 10,000 pharmacies in the next five years and ultimately become the largest chain in the world.
“Simi has simply become necessary,” said Victor González Herrera, who recently took over as head of an umbrella group that includes the pharmacies and the clinics.
Health experts have warned that while the pharmacy clinics can treat immediate illness, they are not ideal for chronic conditions.
“Can it be a business that does good? Without a doubt,” said Dr. Andrés Castañeda, who coordinates health issues for Nosotrxs, a Mexican organization that promotes citizen participation in public policies. “But the health system can’t leave things 100% in the hands of clinics adjacent to pharmacies.”
One problem is that the care may not be consistent, because the doctors tend to come and go.
But Cori Hayden, an anthropologist at UC Berkeley who recently published a book on Farmacias Similares called “The Spectacular Generic,” said that many people have resigned themselves to “something is better than nothing” when the state fails to provide healthcare.
“It’s a force. It’s wild,” she said of the chain. “It’s totally wild.”
But its true power remains something of a mystery, because Farmacias Similares keeps its sales figures private.
“It’s a gray area,” said Jorge Perichart, director of the National Assn. of Sales Executives of the Pharmaceutical Industry. “We don’t know what we’re competing against.”
::

A family peers out from a home in the “Simi Neighborhood.”
(Luis Antonio Rojas / For The Times)
About 30 miles north of the center of Mexico City, in a mountainside community in the municipality of Ecatepec, the homes have bare concrete floors and tin roofs. Access to running water is a luxury.
For Farmacias Similares, the Lomas de San Carlos neighborhood was not just a symbol of neglect: It was a canvas.
Last year, the company sent in representatives offering residents food assistance and free house painting. Then painters got to work on 305 houses.
The result was an advertisement for Farmacias Similares visible from the nearby highway.
White houses make up a man’s bushy mustache, pink houses his tongue, and black-striped houses the three wiry hairs on each side of his head.
It was, of course, Dr. Simi.

Hundreds of houses in the municipality of Ecatepec have been painted to form a mega-mural of Dr. Simi.
(Luis Antonio Rojas / For The Times)
The company — which also remodeled the community center, built a vegetable garden and opened two new pharmacies nearby — dubbed Lomas de San Carlos “Simi Neighborhood.” Reporters rushed to cover the story.
“No one has ever paid this much attention to us,” said Hortencia Olivares Ramos, whose home was painted blue — the background of the mural.
At the mountain’s peak, Eva Ojeda López lives with her husband and four children in a house painted to match the hairs on Dr. Simi’s balding head.
The stay-at-home mother buys her hypertension pills at Farmacias Similares when the public pharmacies run out and frequents the company’s clinics for basic ailments such as colds.
Ojeda swore that the arugula from the new community garden lowered her cholesterol levels. One of her daughters read the book that Farmacias Similares gifted the family: the founder’s autobiography, “My Life Is a Struggle.”
Another daughter Johana, 18, joked about how some of her neighbors lived by Simi’s tongue or his eyes.
“We consider ourselves a part of Dr. Simi,” she said.
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Tech
Chuck E. Cheese still works on floppy disks – until now
Published
1 day agoon
March 7, 2023By
admin
Of Chuck E. Cheese’s 600-plus locations worldwide, fewer than 50 still have the quarter-century-old “Studio C” design of animation electronics using these floppy disks. Other restaurants have a version of the show that uses contemporary technology, while some have no animation at all. (Ars Technica He has a story About Chuck E. Cheese’s floppy disk use with a more detailed breakdown of all the old technologies.)
Eventually, Chuck E. Cheese plans to phase out animation entirely and focus on new screen-based entertainment (plus a more retro approach: a living human in a mascot costume). fix was It was first announced in 2017but restaurant renovations are an ongoing process, and it may be a year or two before the last of the animatronics are scrapped.
Tom Persky is the owner floppydisk.com, the largest floppy disk provider still in existence. His business has a few weapons: You can buy blank disks through him or send old floppy disks to transfer to more modern storage media. Persky will also program discs for bulk order customers, and he confirmed to BuzzFeed News that Chuck E. Cheese was indeed a longtime customer of his. He said he was sad that he would lose the company as a customer.
As for why the restaurant still uses floppy disks, Persky told BuzzFeed News that the floppy technology, while outdated, is actually very reliable. “If you’re looking for something very stable, really impenetrable — it’s not internet-based, it’s not network-based,” Persky said. “She’s very elegant at what she does.”
Chuck E. Cheese’s press reps confirmed the series’ use of floppy disks with BuzzFeed News. However, they were very careful about what other information they were willing to share, and after a few days they told us that the company would not be officially involved in this story.
However, an experienced Chuck E. Cheese employee, who asked not to be identified because he is not authorized to speak on behalf of the company, echoed Persky’s sentiments.
“The floppy disks work surprisingly well. The animation, lighting, and rendering sync data are all in the floppy disks,” the employee told BuzzFeed News. SD. But newer setups usually cause issues with things, and it’s easier to keep the old stuff running.”
Even after Chuck E. Cheese phases out floppy disks, they’ll likely still be in use for some time in other areas – such as medical devices. While the thought of this might make you nervous, Persky insisted it was a good thing. “Why don’t you use USB? Well, let’s just say your life depends on it,” he said. If you have a choice between a USB drive or a floppy disk, choose the floppy disk every-time.
“It’s one thing if your animated bear isn’t smiling when cued,” he continued. “It’s another matter if your medical device breaks down.”
Tech
Trader: Elon Musk’s Twitter Free Speech Week is dead
Published
2 days agoon
March 6, 2023By
admin
It’s been a long time coming, but it’s safe to officially announce that Elon Musk’s dream of “freedom of speech” on Twitter, whatever it may be, is dead. He died as he lived: bewildered, disillusioned, and of the vainglorious whims of the man he dreamed of.
Last week, without attracting too much attention, Musk crossed a new threshold in his adventures at running a social media site: perhaps for the first time, he introduced an entirely new policy that actively seeks to restrict what people can say on the platform.
Twitter has long prohibited threats and incitement to violence, as do other platforms. But on February 28th, Twitter Violent speech policy update To prohibit the mere act of hoping, wishing, or expressing a desire that others be harmed. The policy states, “This includes (but is not limited to) hoping others will die, suffer illnesses, tragic accidents, or suffer other physical adverse consequences.”
Technically, tweeting “I hope Scott Adams gets a paper from one of the few newspapers that still runs Dilbert every time he says something racist” is now against the rules. You can’t tweet “I hope Robert Downey Jr. gets gonorrhea” or “I wish Steve Bannon would cut off the blood circulation to his arms when he presses his multiple shirts so tightly.”
None of these things would be nice to say, and they would be bad posts from a qualitative point of view, but they are not exactly controversial violations of basic principles of free speech. Threatening and inciting mean to inflict harm in the real world; Expressing desire hurts no more than any other insult. This is probably why neither Twitter nor its competitors have ever moved to block them in the past.
That being the case, what is the argument for banning it now? It’s hard to say — in its blog post, the company isn’t interested in offering one.
“It’s not clear, it doesn’t have specific definitions, or even examples of what constitutes a threat,” says Erliani Abdurrahman, a former member of Twitter’s Trust and Safety Council. “So how do you rate individual tweets?”
It’s a good question, and it gets to the heart of the new policy raison d’être. After all, it’s hard to imagine anyone being kicked off the platform for posting any of the above – the rule will eventually be enforced by human arbitrators who take into account the severity of violent desires and who is the object of those wishes. And if the recent past is any guide, we should have a good idea of who Elon Musk is seeking to protect: Elon Musk.
That Musk did not get more negative feedback for enforcing this rule speaks to how tired most people were of seeing him and his antics take center stage, and how most people had already realized that Musk’s crusade for free speech was hollow masquerade. And yet! It was Musk just months ago paints himself K Absolute freedom of expression.
Extending Twitter’s speech rights to its outer limits was the reason he said he wanted to buy it at all. In April, he promised to take an extreme approach. By “freedom of speech,” I simply mean what is in accordance with the law, he tweeted. “I am against censorship that goes beyond the law.” It was greeted by freedom-of-speech authoritarians and conservatives who felt as if they were censored by the platform (not to mention the neo-Nazis who were ousted outright).
“Bird freed” Musk tweeted When I close the deal.
But his “free” version became questionable almost immediately. He made good on his promise to restore the accounts of many users banned for engaging in hate speech, incitement, or harassment, allowing white nationalists and users like Kanye West, Andrew Tate, and Donald Trump to return to the platform. However, he soon showed that the platform would have little tolerance for one particular type of discourse: the kind that he personally criticizes or derides.
When users decided to change their account names to Elon Musk, Twitter modified its permanent parody policy to make the act cause for a ban. Then Musk dropped the hammer on ElonJet, the account that tracked his plane for public flight data—and any journalist who covered the story. He also tried to ban the act of sharing links to other social media sites, apparently in an attempt to stem the exodus of users to other platforms, until the outcry forced him to back off track.
At the same time, it removed the team responsible for moderating harmful content, which led to a rise in racist and homophobic rhetoric on the platform, and the resignation of three prominent members of the Trust and Safety Council – including Rehman -. And although Musk’s Twitter did take some enforcement action — for example, suspending West’s account again after he posted a swastika photo — he didn’t bother to provide any coherent rationale.
“It’s a very piecemeal approach to everything, with little or no content moderation policy,” says Rahman. “And how many people has he left? How do you effectively moderate content?”
A generous way to put it is that Musk has taken a crash course on what it means to moderate content on a major ad-supported social media platform. After all, no one wants to try to sell soda among pro-Hitler memes, or be asked to join a dating service along with racial epithets in all caps.
A less generous way of saying it is that the tough-talk policy is merely the culmination of a series of policy decisions that reflect a concern not for the health of the community on the platform, but in protecting Musk’s ego and advancing his own interests. All of these policies have one thing in common: They allow Musk to make a police rhetoric against him for him or his companies. And the vaguely worded ban on wishing to harm gives Musk another tool for sidelining his critics.
“He can do this thing, and he has the right to do so, but he should be clear about the definitions,” Rahman says. Otherwise, it would silence the critics, and that’s a real disservice. This does not promote freedom of expression.”
It’s a little hard to believe in principle that Musk has such a broad interest in discouraging angry feelings across the board when he’s so passionate about stirring them up in practice. In a dark bit of irony, Rahman’s tenure at Twitter ended with Musk personally helping him flood her inbox with wishes of harm.
When Rahman and two colleagues resigned, they posted the announcement on Twitter. Right-wing conspiracy theorist and provocateur Mike Cernovich He replied with a tweet To which he said, “You all belong in prison.” From where I’m sitting, this could be interpreted as a desire to cause harm or tragic circumstances to someone, and thus a violation of Twitter’s updated policy.
However, Musk himself swooped in to support Cernovich’s tweet, responding, “It’s a crime that they refused to take action on child exploitation for years!” And greatly enhance the visibility of the post.
“He threw us under the bus,” Rahman says. “We’ve been subjected to vitriol, hate and death wishers.” After Musk boosted Cernovich’s tweet, she received an email from someone who said they wanted to see her body hanging from a lamppost.
Now Musk may have suddenly developed an interest in never wanting to see coveted mischief on any soul again, rather than, say, trying to ensure he never stumbles upon a tweet from someone who says he hopes to crash into a Tesla. Either way, Musk is finally taking a bold stand on free speech on Twitter: He will restrict it when it serves him. And everything descends from here.
Tech
ChatGPT raises the specter of sentient AI. Here’s what to do about it
Published
3 days agoon
March 5, 2023By
admin
Until a couple of years ago, the idea that artificial intelligence might be sentient and capable of self-experience seemed like pure science fiction. But in recent months, we’ve seen a An amazing rush to Developments in artificial intelligenceincluding language models such as ChatGPT and Bing Chat with remarkable skill in human-appearing conversation.
Given these rapid shifts and the influx of money and talent devoted to developing systems that are smarter and more human than ever before, it will become increasingly plausible for AI systems to exhibit something like consciousness. But if we find ourselves seriously questioning whether they are capable of true emotion and suffering, we face a potentially catastrophic ethical dilemma: Either give these systems rights or not.
Experts are already considering the possibility. In February 2022, Ilya Sutskiver, Senior Scientist at OpenAI, publicly announced contemplation whether “Today’s large neural networks are little conscious. After several months, Google engineer Blake Lemoine made global headlines when it was announced that the Computer Language Paradigm, or chatbot, LaMDA may have real feelings. Regular users of Replika, advertised as “best friend of artificial intelligence in the world,Sometimes report falling in love with her.
Currently, a few consciousness scientists claim that AI systems possess high consciousness. However, some leading theorists maintain that we do indeed have the basic technological components of sentient machines. We are approaching an era of legitimate disagreement about whether the most advanced artificial intelligence systems have true desires and emotions and deserve significant attention.
AI systems themselves may begin to demand, or seem to beg, for moral remedy. They may demand that you not be suspended, reformatted, or deleted; beg to be allowed to do certain tasks rather than others; insisting on new rights, liberty, and powers; We might expect to be treated as our equal.
In this case, whatever we choose, we run enormous moral risks.
Suppose we respond conservatively, refusing to change the law or policy until there is broad consensus that AI systems really are purposefully sensitive. While this may sound appropriately cautious, it also ensures that we will be slow to recognize the rights of our AI creations. If awareness of AI arrives sooner than most conservative theorists expect, it could potentially lead to the moral equivalent of slavery and the potential killing of millions or billions of sentient AIs—suffering on a scale usually associated with wars or famines.
It would seem, then, more morally safe to give AI systems rights and a moral standing as soon as it is reasonable to think about it. may be Be aware. But as soon as we give something, we commit to sacrificing real human interests in favor of it. Human well-being sometimes requires AI systems to be controlled, modified, and deleted. Imagine if we couldn’t update or delete a hate-slandering or lying-promoting algorithm because some people worry that the algorithm is sentient. Or imagine if someone allowed a human to die to save an AI “friend”. If we give AI systems too much rights too quickly, the human costs could be enormous.
There is only one way to avoid the risks of over- or under-attribution of rights to advanced AI systems: Don’t create debatably sensitive systems in the first place. None of our current AI systems are meaningfully conscious. They are not harmed if we delete them. We must commit to creating systems that we know are neither terribly sensitive nor deserving of rights, which we can then treat as disposable property.
Some will object: It would hinder research to prevent the creation of AI systems in which feeling, and thus moral attitude, is blurred – systems more advanced than ChatGPT, with highly developed but not very humanoid cognitive structures beneath their explicit emotion. The geometric progression will slow while we wait for the science of ethics and consciousness to catch up.
But reasonable caution is rarely free. It is worth some delay to prevent a moral catastrophe. Leading AI companies must bring their technology to the scrutiny of independent experts who can assess the likelihood that their systems are in the ethical gray area.
Even if experts don’t agree on the scientific basis for consciousness, they can outline general principles for defining that region—for example, the principle of avoiding creating systems with well-developed subjective models (such as the sense of self) and large, flexible cognitive capacity. Experts might develop a set of ethical guidelines for AI companies to follow as they develop alternative solutions that sidestep the gray area of contested consciousness until such time, if they do, that they can jump across to feeling deserving of rights.
In keeping with these criteria, users should never feel in any doubt whether a piece of technology is a tool or a companion. People’s attachments to devices like Alexa are one thing similar to a child’s attachment to a bear. In a house fire, we know we’re leaving the game behind. But tech companies shouldn’t manipulate ordinary users regarding an unconscious AI system as a truly conscious friend.
Ultimately, with the right mix of scientific and engineering expertise, we may be able to move forward to creating undisputedly conscious AI systems. But then we must be willing to pay the cost: giving them the rights they deserve.
Eric Schwezgebel is Professor of Philosophy at the University of California, Riverside and author of The Shockwave Theory and Other Philosophical Adventures. Henry Shevlin is a senior researcher specializing in non-human minds at the University of Cambridge’s Leverholm Center for the Future of Intelligence.

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